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<br /> <br />BLOOMINGDALE CORRIDOR <br />The Bloomingdale Industrial Corridor followed <br />a railroad line originally constructed by the <br />Chicago and Pacific Railroad Company and then <br />operated by the Chicago, Milwauk!,e, and St. <br />Paul Railway. The land designatedmanufactur- <br />ingwas.a linear strip only sufficient to accom- <br /> <br />Much of the rezoningalongthe Blooming- <br />dale co'rridor was to the city's mid-density <br />zi:>ning districts (R-4 and R-S zoning categories). <br />The R-S category, at the time, allowed five-story <br />buildings and these buildings could achieve <br />densities of 40 to So units to the acre. The R-4 <br />designation allowed three-flats but also at- <br /> <br /> <br />modate small industrial operations that could <br />take advantage ofthe rail line. The strip was an <br />insufficient land area for modem manufacturing. <br />In 2004, a Department of Planning and Develop- <br />ment study reported thpt halfofthe 82 acres of <br />industrial zoned property along the corridor had <br />been rezoned since 1990. The rezonings allowed <br />loft conversions and new housing construction <br />of more than 1,000 new dwelling units. <br /> <br />lowed town house developments at densities <br />of 2S to 30 units per acre. <br /> <br />REDEVELOPMENT OFTHE CITY'S <br />COMMERCIAL STRIPS <br />Probably the most successful and widely ac- <br />cepted locations for added residential density <br />in Chicago are the city's declining retail strips. <br />By the 1990S there was wide recognition that <br /> <br />many of the city's neighborhood retail strips <br />would never come back. Small storefronts <br />lacked parking, which was 13 barrier for success <br />outside of the city's densest and most pedes- <br />trian-friendly neighborhoods. <br />In the 1990s, the Chicago Department of <br />Planning and Development estimated that there <br />were over 700 miles of commercial and retail <br />zoning along the city's major streets, which are <br />at mile and half-mile intervals throughoutthe <br />grid. An early 1990S survey of these retail strips <br />by a local planning firm (Trkla, Pettigrew, Allen <br />& Payne, which is now part of the URS Corpora- <br />tion) found that almost 70 percent of the prop- <br />erties on the city's south and southwest sides <br />were vacant or abandoned. The situation was <br />only marginally better on the city's north and <br />northwest sides. <br />Due to demographic shifts the city's <br />neighborhood retail strips had fallen on hard <br />times in the 1960s and 1970S. These problems <br />were exacerbated by the construction of doz- <br />ens of regional malls in Chicago suburbs in the <br />1980s and 1990s. <br />Establishing housing on the retail strips <br />had the following advantages: <br />. New residential units added potential shop- <br />pers tothe strip. <br />. Many of the retail strips were served by mul- <br />tiple bus routes. <br />. Many of these retail strips were underuti- <br />lized-characterized by one- and two-story <br />buildings that were smaller than buildings in <br />the adjoining residential areas. <br />The projects that filled in vacant lots aiid <br />that removed vacant or sometimes dangerous <br />commercial structures were welcomed by the <br />adjoining neighborhoods. For example, on <br />Halsted Street in the Lakeview neighborhood <br /> <br />ZONING PRACTICE '5.09 <br />AMERICAN PLANNING ASSOCIATION Ipage 3 <br /> <br />85 <br />