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OCTOBER 1996 <br /> <br />AMERICAN <br />PLANNING <br />ASSOCIATION <br /> <br />Hog-Tied by Feedlots <br /> <br />By Michael Barre;te <br /> <br />Terry Spence spent a recent August evening working on his <br />lawn. "Mowing the yard used to be a relaxing thing," he <br />says, "but I was just out the~re tonight, and there wasn't much <br />pleasure in it." His farm is near a large, two-year-old hog- <br />confinement operation just outside Unionville, Missouri, that <br />has transformed the commtmity. <br /> "We have 80,000 hogs within two miles of Unionville," he <br />says. "Depending on the weather, the odor carries two to five <br />miles. There is nowhere to go to get away from the smell." <br />Spence says the odor itself is just the tip of the iceberg. "The <br />fact is, hydrogen sulfide is a dangerous gas. Even when you get <br />accustomed to the smell, yoo._still keep wondering about the <br />effect of breathing in that ali'." <br /> <br />What Is a CAFO? <br />Concentrated Animal Feeding Operations (CAFOs), the latest <br />trend in hog farming, are corporate-owned or contracted facilities <br />that aim to produce pork as efficiently and inexpensively as <br />possible. Facilities usually house several thousand hogs, but <br />operations in excess of 17,000' are not unusual. By comparison, the <br />typical family farm usually has fewer than 500 hogs. CAFOs also <br />differ from family-sized opera{ions in that the hogs are raised <br />indoors in tightly packed swine houses, producing a much higher <br /> <br />concentration of hogs per acre than most independent farms and a <br />commensurate amount of manure. The waste is disposed by <br />flushing it from the swine houses and collecting it in outdoor <br />lagoons, the largest holding more than 30 million gallons of liquid <br />animal waste. The waste is spread onsite or injected into the soil. <br />Fescue or similar feed crops are then planted with the expectation <br />that the soil and the crop will safely absorb the contents. <br /> CAFOs generally fall into two categories, corporate and <br />contract operations. Corporate operations house the hogs at <br />enormous company-owned facilitiei, where hogs are bred and fed a <br />regimented diet until ready for slaughter. Contract operators are <br />hired by the company to handle one aspect of the growth process. <br />Hogs are shipped.in and fed until they attain a certain growth level <br />following a strictly administered corporate plan. When the hogs <br />reach a certain size, they are shipped to another contract operator, <br />which handles that growth level. The pro~ess continues until the3, <br />reach the market. The company supplies contract farmers with <br />specially formulated grain, antibiotics, veterinary supplies, and <br />other necessities. Farmers take the financial risk by building the <br />necessary buildings and signing the contract. <br /> Many rural citizens have found themselves powerless to do <br />anything about a CAFO being sited next door. Most <br />agricultural states have legislated agricultural exemptions to <br />protect family farms from zoning. Industrial hogging companies <br />hide behind these exemptions, and communities cannot <br />implement zoning until the state passes new legislation. Most <br />major hogging states are hotly debating the regulation of <br />CAFOs in their legislatures, with the corporate lobby actively <br />participating. Even state farm bureaus, traditionally the <br />advocate for independent farmers, have become dominated by <br />industrial hoggers. The industry has repeatedly challenged <br />attempts at home rule over CAFOs, and several important cases <br />are pending across the country. <br /> The debate's volatility has not stopped rural citizens from <br />trying to protect their homes. More communities are adopting <br />comprehensive plans and zoning for the first time, hoping to <br />discourage CAFO development or.expansion in spite of <br />exemptions. It is important to note that these advocates include <br />independent hog producers, rural citizens, merchants, and <br />farmers who are trying to protect their ?ay of life from the <br />detrimental effects of hog production at an unprecedented scale. <br /> Some jurisdictions in Iowa, Minnesota, Missouri, and North <br />Carolina have successfully avoided the agricultural land-use <br />exemption by writing CAFO ordinances into their local health <br />code or general ordinance. Because the legality of those <br />approaches varies from state to state, this article simply describes <br />the developmental impacts of CAFOs and presents th'e specific <br />techniques being used to counter them. <br /> These ordinances usually distinguish family farms from <br />commercial or industrial facilities. Specific language <br />differentiates agriculture from feedlot operations or common <br />farm buildings from typical CAFO buildings. Some also classify <br />operations by size, described in terms of an animal unit (AU). <br />Beef feeders usually set the standard of one AU. All other <br />livestock is compared to that standard. Usually, 2.5 hogs equal <br />one AU. From that point on, classification varies according to <br /> <br /> <br />