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Snyder, the local government
<br />if plan consistency is shown.'
<br />there is a public purpose that
<br />Pelham, who served as secJ
<br />of Community Affairs from 1
<br />of the state's growth managen
<br />only amicus brief that quoted
<br />While he favors the presun
<br />
<br />~ can t totally deny the appl,cauon
<br />I¥ou have to demonstrate that
<br />ustifies giving the app!icant less."
<br />.'tary of the Florida Department
<br />)87 to 1991, the formative years
<br />ent program, says his was the
<br />the Mandelker/Tarlock article.
<br />~ption shift when there is a
<br />
<br />question of plan consistency, ~elham believes the Snyder
<br />decision wdl yield m~xed restilts that depend on the ,nterest,
<br />background, and abihty of th{parucular judge involved.
<br />Courts can force procedural c,~anges, he adds, but are still very
<br />limited in what they can do in~ substantive terms.
<br /> Mandelker concedes that 14acing the courts in the position
<br />of serving as traffic cop when {he local land-use process is
<br />producing bizarre outcomes,x,~ill be dimcult. Wl~. ,ether courts
<br />rise to this new challenge is t~e $64 question, he says. A
<br />plaintiffwho litigates a local z~ning decision under the political
<br />process malfunction theory w~ll need to have "a really good
<br />case--an intuitively irrational ~ecision," he says. But he believes
<br />that local governments that dc} their planning homework should
<br />be able to endure challenges t~ their regulations. When a city
<br />does what they re supposed toldo and vahdates their work, they
<br />don't have to worry about thetpresumptlon," he concludes.
<br />
<br />Regulating Billba ards
<br />in Baltimore
<br />
<br />By Charles C. Graves Ill and t~o, bin Allen
<br />
<br />The city of Baltimore has mo~ed to the forefront of anti-
<br />billboard activity as the result~fa five-year campaign by
<br />citizens. The campaign to regdilate billboards dates back to
<br />1989, when concerned citizen~, through their community
<br />organizations, first began to c~mplain about a proliferation of
<br />negauve ~mages on bdlboards {n thmr nmghborhoods. '
<br /> Many people had begun to}notice what they regarded as an
<br />inordinate number of biilboar,8 advertisements for liquor and
<br />tobacco products in African-Ajnerican and inner-city
<br />neighborhoods. These ads featured very attractive people in
<br />glamorous settings, involved i4 exciting activities. But they
<br />promoted cigarettes and alcoh{flic beverages, seemingly to young
<br />people, and this concerned thdactivists.
<br /> Some grassroots organizers }xpressed their opinions to the
<br />Citizens' Plann. ing and Housiqg Association (CPI-IA), a
<br />nonprofit organization that provides technical assiitance to
<br />community groups. CPI-LA or{anized the Coalition for
<br />Beautiful Neighborhoods, whi~:h set out to address the issue of
<br />negative billboard advertising.
<br /> Through a report publishe4 in 1989 by the Abell
<br />Foundation, the coalition veri~ed that aboht 70 percent of the
<br />2,015 billboards documented?in the city were located in
<br />predominantly African-Ameridan neighborhoods. Of those,
<br />about 76 percent advertised al~ ~hol or tobacco products. The
<br />
<br />study documented that most o
<br />company--Boisclair Advertisi~
<br />Boisclair posterl3oards were of
<br />about 50 square feet as compaJ
<br />670 square feet) and were post,
<br />
<br />'these were owned by one
<br />ig, Inc. In most cases, the
<br />~he junior variety (measuring
<br />ed to the regular sizes of 240 to
<br />d on the front or side facades of
<br />
<br />buildings. According to the AI~ :11 study, most of these billboards
<br />were illegal because the compa ty had failed to obtain the proper
<br /> r
<br />
<br />building or zoning permits. This situation provided the
<br />coalition and the city government with the first opportunity for
<br />anti-billboard activity.
<br /> In March 1991, the coalition and CPHA staged a rally to rid
<br />the neighborhoods of the offending billboards. With the
<br />permission of the owners of the buildings on which the ads
<br />were posted, they tore down a number of the junior billboards
<br />that advertised liquor and cigarettes to illustrate that such.
<br />advertising would not be tolerated in their communities.
<br /> Shortly thereafter, CPHA and the coalition sued for the
<br />removal of about 740 illegal junior billboards throughout the
<br />city, based on zoning violations. Billboards in all residential
<br />districts, as well as those in certain business and manufacturing
<br />zones, had to be removed. Billboard companies were on notice
<br />that they had to either comply with existing zoning and permit
<br />laws or remove their signs.
<br /> From there, the action shifted to the city council. Several
<br />bills were introduced throughout the five years, with the focus
<br />ranging from prohibiting billboards in certain areas of the city
<br />to proposed restrictions on the ad content. One .bill introduced
<br />in 1992 to curtail the future posting and permitting of
<br />billboards was adopted but is still undergoing further-
<br />consideration. However, two others introduced in 1993 were
<br />finally approved last year. They restrict the placement of
<br />outdoor advertisements for alcoholic beverages and for
<br />cigarettes and provide penalties for violations. The billboard,
<br />tobacco, and alcohol industries challenged both ordinances in
<br />court, where'they were upheld. The companies have filed
<br />further appeals.
<br /> The successes in Baltimore's battle against billboards have
<br />come through monitoring zoning and permit violations, and by
<br />demonstrating that advertising content is targeting and
<br />potentially harming young people. For the planning ..
<br />department, this involved reviewing every billboard site
<br />Boisclair leased, getting community input, and providing a
<br />technical response for each site being considered, as well as
<br />reviewing the many council bills under consideration and
<br />providing background research for the court cases.
<br />
<br />Charles Graves is director of the Baltimore planning d~partment.
<br />Robin Allen is a planner in the department..
<br />
<br />New Mobile Home
<br />Ordinance for
<br />Mississippi County
<br />
<br />The Mississippi Manufactured Housing Association (MMHA)
<br />is challenging an ordinance passed last November in Lee
<br />County, Mississippi, that seeks to control mobile home
<br />development, as well as a new development ordinance for the
<br />city of Tupelo. In the latter case, the challenge involves an
<br />overlay district for an area known as Barnes Crossing, where the
<br />new code restricts manufactured home sales to the status of
<br />major conditional uses.
<br /> The MMHA contends that the measures arbitrarily
<br />discriminate against mobile home dealers and owners despite
<br />their stated purpose of protecting public health, safety, and
<br />general welfare. The county ordinance, however, follows
<br />complaints by many residents about uncontrolled runoff
<br />from mobile home parks.
<br />
<br />
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