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Snyder, the local government <br />if plan consistency is shown.' <br />there is a public purpose that <br />Pelham, who served as secJ <br />of Community Affairs from 1 <br />of the state's growth managen <br />only amicus brief that quoted <br />While he favors the presun <br /> <br />~ can t totally deny the appl,cauon <br />I¥ou have to demonstrate that <br />ustifies giving the app!icant less." <br />.'tary of the Florida Department <br />)87 to 1991, the formative years <br />ent program, says his was the <br />the Mandelker/Tarlock article. <br />~ption shift when there is a <br /> <br />question of plan consistency, ~elham believes the Snyder <br />decision wdl yield m~xed restilts that depend on the ,nterest, <br />background, and abihty of th{parucular judge involved. <br />Courts can force procedural c,~anges, he adds, but are still very <br />limited in what they can do in~ substantive terms. <br /> Mandelker concedes that 14acing the courts in the position <br />of serving as traffic cop when {he local land-use process is <br />producing bizarre outcomes,x,~ill be dimcult. Wl~. ,ether courts <br />rise to this new challenge is t~e $64 question, he says. A <br />plaintiffwho litigates a local z~ning decision under the political <br />process malfunction theory w~ll need to have "a really good <br />case--an intuitively irrational ~ecision," he says. But he believes <br />that local governments that dc} their planning homework should <br />be able to endure challenges t~ their regulations. When a city <br />does what they re supposed toldo and vahdates their work, they <br />don't have to worry about thetpresumptlon," he concludes. <br /> <br />Regulating Billba ards <br />in Baltimore <br /> <br />By Charles C. Graves Ill and t~o, bin Allen <br /> <br />The city of Baltimore has mo~ed to the forefront of anti- <br />billboard activity as the result~fa five-year campaign by <br />citizens. The campaign to regdilate billboards dates back to <br />1989, when concerned citizen~, through their community <br />organizations, first began to c~mplain about a proliferation of <br />negauve ~mages on bdlboards {n thmr nmghborhoods. ' <br /> Many people had begun to}notice what they regarded as an <br />inordinate number of biilboar,8 advertisements for liquor and <br />tobacco products in African-Ajnerican and inner-city <br />neighborhoods. These ads featured very attractive people in <br />glamorous settings, involved i4 exciting activities. But they <br />promoted cigarettes and alcoh{flic beverages, seemingly to young <br />people, and this concerned thdactivists. <br /> Some grassroots organizers }xpressed their opinions to the <br />Citizens' Plann. ing and Housiqg Association (CPI-IA), a <br />nonprofit organization that provides technical assiitance to <br />community groups. CPI-LA or{anized the Coalition for <br />Beautiful Neighborhoods, whi~:h set out to address the issue of <br />negative billboard advertising. <br /> Through a report publishe4 in 1989 by the Abell <br />Foundation, the coalition veri~ed that aboht 70 percent of the <br />2,015 billboards documented?in the city were located in <br />predominantly African-Ameridan neighborhoods. Of those, <br />about 76 percent advertised al~ ~hol or tobacco products. The <br /> <br />study documented that most o <br />company--Boisclair Advertisi~ <br />Boisclair posterl3oards were of <br />about 50 square feet as compaJ <br />670 square feet) and were post, <br /> <br />'these were owned by one <br />ig, Inc. In most cases, the <br />~he junior variety (measuring <br />ed to the regular sizes of 240 to <br />d on the front or side facades of <br /> <br />buildings. According to the AI~ :11 study, most of these billboards <br />were illegal because the compa ty had failed to obtain the proper <br /> r <br /> <br />building or zoning permits. This situation provided the <br />coalition and the city government with the first opportunity for <br />anti-billboard activity. <br /> In March 1991, the coalition and CPHA staged a rally to rid <br />the neighborhoods of the offending billboards. With the <br />permission of the owners of the buildings on which the ads <br />were posted, they tore down a number of the junior billboards <br />that advertised liquor and cigarettes to illustrate that such. <br />advertising would not be tolerated in their communities. <br /> Shortly thereafter, CPHA and the coalition sued for the <br />removal of about 740 illegal junior billboards throughout the <br />city, based on zoning violations. Billboards in all residential <br />districts, as well as those in certain business and manufacturing <br />zones, had to be removed. Billboard companies were on notice <br />that they had to either comply with existing zoning and permit <br />laws or remove their signs. <br /> From there, the action shifted to the city council. Several <br />bills were introduced throughout the five years, with the focus <br />ranging from prohibiting billboards in certain areas of the city <br />to proposed restrictions on the ad content. One .bill introduced <br />in 1992 to curtail the future posting and permitting of <br />billboards was adopted but is still undergoing further- <br />consideration. However, two others introduced in 1993 were <br />finally approved last year. They restrict the placement of <br />outdoor advertisements for alcoholic beverages and for <br />cigarettes and provide penalties for violations. The billboard, <br />tobacco, and alcohol industries challenged both ordinances in <br />court, where'they were upheld. The companies have filed <br />further appeals. <br /> The successes in Baltimore's battle against billboards have <br />come through monitoring zoning and permit violations, and by <br />demonstrating that advertising content is targeting and <br />potentially harming young people. For the planning .. <br />department, this involved reviewing every billboard site <br />Boisclair leased, getting community input, and providing a <br />technical response for each site being considered, as well as <br />reviewing the many council bills under consideration and <br />providing background research for the court cases. <br /> <br />Charles Graves is director of the Baltimore planning d~partment. <br />Robin Allen is a planner in the department.. <br /> <br />New Mobile Home <br />Ordinance for <br />Mississippi County <br /> <br />The Mississippi Manufactured Housing Association (MMHA) <br />is challenging an ordinance passed last November in Lee <br />County, Mississippi, that seeks to control mobile home <br />development, as well as a new development ordinance for the <br />city of Tupelo. In the latter case, the challenge involves an <br />overlay district for an area known as Barnes Crossing, where the <br />new code restricts manufactured home sales to the status of <br />major conditional uses. <br /> The MMHA contends that the measures arbitrarily <br />discriminate against mobile home dealers and owners despite <br />their stated purpose of protecting public health, safety, and <br />general welfare. The county ordinance, however, follows <br />complaints by many residents about uncontrolled runoff <br />from mobile home parks. <br /> <br /> <br />