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:talent so that even the smallest c~t!es with the <br />councibmanager plan should have no difficulty in <br />getting qualified applicants when a vacancy in the <br />position occurs. Actually, the city manager move- <br />ment has called into public service a large number <br />of persons of a class to which the older forms of <br />city government never made the slightest appeal. <br />The average person who wants to be a councilman <br />or mayor under a council and mayor or a federal <br />plan of city government, or a commissioner in a <br />commission plan, has little or no training in admin- <br />istration, and on the other hand in every large city <br />and in many small ones there are men who never <br />will run for elective office who have both the ability <br />and the training fitting them for city managership. <br />.¥iayors and councilmen elected by the people are <br />the onesbest fitted to determine municipal policies, <br />to enact local ordinances, and to order public <br />works, but we need to call out the other type of <br />ability to do the actual work of administration in <br />the most workmanlike and businesslike way. The <br />manager plan does this. <br /> <br /> Fifth, it is also said that there is nothing to guar- <br />antee that the council will appoint a manager with- <br />otlt regard to politics, nor to assure the people that <br />the manager will not appoint politicians to office <br />at the behest of the council. The first point here is <br />absolutely true. The manager plan is not automatic. <br />]t is neither fool-proof nor politician-p~oof. If the <br />people elect a council which is willing to sacrifice <br />efficiency and the public good to purely political <br />ends, there is nothing to protect the city against <br />this sort of thing. The government will probably <br />become just as bad as the voters deserve. A mane- <br />ger appointed without regard to politics, however, <br />is not likely to fill the offices under him with in- <br />competents. The manager hag a reputation.to make <br />if he expects to succeed in his profession. He cannot <br />afford to put unfit men into office, since it will en- <br />danger the success of his administration. <br /> <br /> 109. Conclusions as to these forms. During the <br />two centuries since the Revolutionary War the pep- <br />ple of the United States have made more experi- <br />ments in the organization of city governments than <br />any other people in the world. Our' cities passed <br />from a simple uniform plan of organization into a <br />variety of complex schemes in which there were <br />more elective officers, boards, and departments <br />than could then be found in any other cities in the <br />world. Always the thought was that these changes <br />would give the voters more control~ In fact there <br />was too much machine;y, too much complexity, <br /> <br />too much loss of energy, in the operation of our <br />city governments. Only the bosses and party mana- <br />gers knew how to operate them~ When finally the <br />people aroused themselves to see what was wrong, <br />there began a return to simplicity in the forms of <br />municipal government. The commission plan and <br />the council-manager plan have found t;avor in hun- <br />dreds of ci't(es because they have made popular <br />control over city government more effective. <br />Indeed, speaking b;oad'ly, it may be said that the; <br />nineteenth century settled the principle that the <br />people, acting a's voters, must have full control over <br />their city and other governments. It is the task of <br />the twentieth century to make democracy effici- <br />ent, - to find forms of government under which <br />popular control will be a reality and through which <br />the people can .get expert, efficient service to the <br />full value of every dollar expended. The council- <br />manager plan is the latest, the simplest, and seems <br />to be the most promising plan for combining <br />democratic control of policies with expert adminis- <br />tration. - <br /> <br />Special Problems of Organization <br /> <br /> '110. 'The school system: independent, or a. <br />branch of the city government? This has become <br />largely an academic question in Minnesota. Either <br />under general laws or under special laws of long <br />standing, school affair's are handled in special <br />school districts under elective boards of education <br />rathor than being integrated in whole or in part <br />into city government, as in some cities elsewhere <br />in the country~ The areas and boundaries of school <br />districts do not usually-correspond exactly with <br />those of the city, but even in the few instances <br />where the boundaries of city and school districts <br />coincid% it has become un-iversat practice to separ- <br />ate the schools from city government. At one time <br />the education function in St..Paul was handled by <br />a separate department under the city's commission <br />plan Charter, a plan sanctioned by the Minnesota <br />Supreme Court,12 but schools in that city are now <br />handled by a special school district. In only a very <br />few cases is there even a partial financial control by <br />the cities over the schools, <br /> <br /> 111. The problem of separate boards. -Almost <br />every mayor and council city in Minnesota has cer-. <br />rain boards and commissions.. Armory boards, which <br />handle state rather than municipal affairs,.are pro- <br />vided for by statute and it is almost certainly out- <br />side of the power of cities to change them. Health <br />boards are also provided for by general Jaws, but <br /> <br />12State ex rel. Smtthv. City of St, Pautl ~128 Minn, <br /> 82 150 N,W. 389 (1914). <br /> <br />-7- <br /> <br /> <br />