Agenda - Planning Commission - 04/05/2018

Home

costs, recently released a io-year housing strategy that has the potential to radically transform a city that is predominately made up of single-family houses, even though it is perhaps better known for its high rises. The strategy relies to a large degree on the cre- ation of more missing middle housing. Of the 72,000 homes the city hopes will be created over the next decade, 4,00o are intended to be "laneway homes," or accessory dwelling units. Anotherio,000 of those are antici- pated to be ground -level town houses, row houses, and other forms of medium -density infill grafted strategically into the city's existing single-family neighborhoods (City of Vancouverzol7) DEALING WITH VACANT HOMES Due to shifting demographics and changing economic conditions, certain neighborhoods could see widespread vacancies of surplus single-family homes. Fortunately, tools are available for addressing these vacancies. During the fore- closure crisis of the late z000s, effective tools were developed as entire neighborhoods were emp- tying. In the case of widespread foreclosures, the vacancies were often temporary. In the future, vacancies may be more perma- nent as demand for single-family homes dissipates in certain areas. The following tools can help keep vacant homes from falling into disrepair, or help find alternative uses for them. Code Enforcement Tools—VPOs and Receivership An effective tool to address vacant homes in your community is the vacant property ordinance (VPO). The tool can be easily incorporated into your municipal code, but also requires some enforcement capacity. Fees can be established to help offset some of the enforcements costs. During the foreclosure crisis of the late z000s, the VP0 was developed and utilized by towns and cities nationwide to address the abandonment of homes and prevalence of bank -owned homes. Many communi- ties adopted VPOs and code enforcement protocols to help minimize the impact of vacant properties. Doug Leeper, the code enforcement division manager in Chula Vista, California, shepherded a vacant prop- erty registry and fee program through the approval process in zoo? (§15.6o). Leeper estimated that there were more than 9,000 foreclosed homes in Chula Vista during the housing crisis; the vacant property program registered more than 2,600 homes by zoo7. By 2oo9, more than 40o communities had adopted similar ordinances. Central to the ordinance is a requirement that vacant proper- ties are registered by the city or in a national database accessible by the city. A small annual registration fee is required and properties are required to be maintained. Security must also be provided, with a contact number promi- nently displayed. If the worst -case scenario materializes in your community, and single- family homes become vacant faster than they 30s are one tool that municipalities can use t egimpacts ol=vacatand abandoned homes.t can be absorbed by the market, a VPO is a good stop -gap measure. A more aggressive approach is through a vacant building receivership ordinance. Referred to as "fix it or lose it" by the city of Baltimore, it provides a building official with the authority to petition the court for the appointment of a receiver to help raze, rehabilitate, or sell a vacant building. The city also has a "Vacant to Value" program that allows for property under city ownership to be transferred to a developer for improve- ments and eventual sale. Receivership has the potential to quickly address and remedy nuisance properties (City of Baltimore). A key benefit to a more aggressive approach is that it prevents property specu- lators from sitting on dilapidated properties over an extended period. It also allows for the`receiverto pass property to an organiza- tion or developer quickly, to put the property back to productive use. The ordinance also provides a mechanism whereby the jurisdic- tion can collect liens and penalties from delinquent property owners (Jacobsen zo15). The Agrihood The local food movement is alive and well in the U.S. In Detroit, a collection of forward - thinking advocates from the city's urban agricultural community have turned vacant single-family homes and lots into community resources for urban agriculture. Detroit's hard-hit north side has created a neighbor- hood where agriculture is the centerpiece of a mixed use urban community. A formerly dense urban neighborhood now has a successful working farm at the center. In 2004, Detroit had only 10o urban farms. By 2o13 urban agriculture was recognized as a legal use in the city's zoning ordinance. This reduced uncertainty and allowed existing urban farms to remain in place and expand. In 2o16, there were approximately 1,40o urban farms in Detroit. The Detroit ordinance establishes legal definitions for many urban agriculture uses, including aquaculture, aquaponics, farm stands, farmers markets, greenhouses, rainwater catchment systems, hoop houses, orchards, tree farms, urban farms, and urban gardens. The ordinance operates as an overlay to the city's existing zoning ordinance. The code includes standards for setbacks, lighting, maintenance, drainage, nuisance issues, noise, and hours of operation. Importantly, the ordinance grants legal nonconforming use status to all agricultural operations that predate the ordinance. Portland, Oregon, has incorporated urban agriculture into the zoning ordinance with the express intent of connecting local food production to the community at a ZONINGPRACTICE 2.18 AMERICAN.PLANNING ASSOCIATION I page 3